World, Class, Women: Global Literatures, Education and Feminism is Robin Truth Goodman-Goodman's third book. She is also the author of Infertilities: Exploring Fictions of Barren Bodies and co-author of Strange Love: Or How We Learn to Stop Worrying and Love the Market. An Assistant Professor in the Department of English at Florida State University, she was a Global Fellow at the International Institute, University of California at Los Angeles in 2004. In World, Class, Women, Goodman examines how theory and literature can be used to reclaim feminism, education, and economic justice as part of a broader effort in imagining a democratic public sphere. This book looks at the breakdown between public and private spheres of modern neoliberal power, particularly as it relates to feminism. Bringing a feminist voice to critical pedagogy, she explores how current debates about education contribute to the development of radical feminist thought. Goodman skillfully links the disciplines of postcolonial and popular literature, feminist theory, critical pedagogy and education to theorize how the dwindling public sphere and the rise of globalization influence access to learning, definitions of knowledge, the socialization and reproduction of labor, and, subsequently, both the meaning of subjectivity and the possibilities of a radical feminism.
Goodman ably draws upon a wide range of conceptual frameworks and the analyses of various contemporary theorists as she explores research issues relevant to questions of race, gender and culture and considers how such research and theory can contribute to the practice and development of a pluralistic and inclusive pedagogy in several places. In World, Class, Women Goodman seeks to understand how women's private worlds function pedagogically, what kinds of politics can be shaped by systematic placement, how they make sense of power relations whose interests they currently serve and what alternative models can be promoted.
The time is ripe, Goodman suggests, to come up with alternative sites of learning to guide the future of feminism -- confronting what the book considers a crisis in contemporary politics and a crisis in democracy. The book, which examines feminism's hesitation and even resistance to talking about a politics of the public sphere, explains why thinking about it, in feminist terms, is one of the most vital tasks for feminism today. Democracy is at stake. Goodman argues that women are some of the hardest hit by the neoliberal assault on the public sphere. Braiding a range of interdisciplinary material and considerable data to support her arguments, Goodman explores the idea of privacy separate from political power and the ways that poor women suffer abysmally from legal and social understandings of care as a private responsibility; she further proposes that these injustices could be remedied by expanding the idea of the public's role.
Goodman guides us through globalization's devastations, raising questions that transcend issues of criticality, post colonialism, education and feminist theories on their own, and focuses on democracy. Goodman states that, "The privatization of public functions has been as much the product of an ideological and symbolic assault on public spaces and public initiatives as of a material deregulation of corporate growth" (4). In other words, Goodman writes, the feminist investment in the personal and in theories of women's private lives happened simultaneously with the new postmodern focus on cultural theory and its interests in the margins, in fragments, in subject-hood and identity, and in local sites of power. She argues that while others including Fredric Jameson and Partha Chatterjee, have explored the politicized private sphere in various realms including Third World literatures and the investigations of the feminine and the private, World, Class, Women differs from these analyses by
1. connecting the privatization of the nation-state to politics beyond the national;
2. thinking of women's private lives in the context of the contemporary redistributive state's public functions -- not just national aesthetics, which are often the products of private sentiments; and
3. contesting the regulation of women, women's lives, and women's narratives to the sphere of domesticity.
So, rather than focusing on women and women's issues as the symbolic extension of the liberal ideal of privacy in the third world, Goodman's World, Class, Women invites a politics of the public sphere around women and women's issues. Goodman incorporates Third World Literature because, she maintains, it shows less media saturation; there has been less identification with the private power of capital as well as a larger sense of separation from its interests. Also, there has been a more in-depth critique that privatization is benefiting imperialism to the detriment of the interests of the state and the public. Utilizing perspectives found in Third World situations, Goodman argues, "it is possible still to identify survival itself with the future of the public sphere and, as women are the hardest hit by such structural adjustment policies, to identify the future of the public sphere itself as dependent upon the future direction of feminism" (5).
Goodman, talks about schooling because it furnishes some of the primary examples of where the role of the public sphere and democracy is heading. She identifies six major issues:
1. as the current political debates surrounding education suggest it is the field of education where the struggles between public and private power is currently being waged, and where, contingently, it is possible to plot out what is at stake in maintaining a public sphere and what a public sphere might look like today;
2. the domestic dialogue in the United States on privatizing public education furnishes much of the ideological cushioning behind privatization movements that have been used to implement a broader imperial structure of financial, economic, and political reform through the privatization of state functions on the third world;
3. as education has been thought about as part of the socialization of children, it reveals that the divide between public and private power is marked by the symbolic power of femininity and as well, participates in creating a much broader ideological conception of feminized labor;
4. feminism began as a radical discourse about education, particularly because discussing education required thinking about civic access on which rests the very notion of political freedom for women;
5. critical pedagogical theory has offered much insight about the way private interests, particularly dissecting the political economy of the media and the way private interests are taking over the public role of citizen-learning; and
6. feminist pedagogical theory offers some of the most egregious examples of the way popular understandings and metaphors of femininity and domesticity, as well as, depictions of the femininity within some versions of postmodern feminisms are currently wielded to support the expansion of corporate power and the privatization of public power.
Goodman gives many examples of these throughout the book. One example is Lynda Stone's concerns about the waning of civics classes in public schools and their replacements by moral "character" education. "Overall there is less emphasis on education for citizenship, largely because, paradoxically, public affiliation is a private matter of identity" (75). Goodman adds that reducing politics to a private matter has meant the transformation of the citizen into the customer.
Goodman argues that personalizing public spaces, focusing only on personal experiences defined through the senses, negates any political evaluation of the institutions we need, how money is distributed, and what obstacles to "becoming" are produced in the current social climate. Along with Wendy Brown, Goodman suggests that the greatest possibility of countering postmodern social fragmentations and political disintegrations comes from (1) political conversation oriented toward diversity and the common, (2) emphasis upon the world rather than the self, and (3) conversation in a public idiom that arises from one's knowledge of the world as a situated (subject) position (7).
Goodman adds that critical pedagogy engenders evaluation of other sites of learning outside of schools, using cultural and literary texts to examine issues, define meaning, and form identity. Goodman invokes Henry Giroux, who asserts that "this perspective breaks down the divides between elite and popular culture and extends the reach of what counts as a serious object of learning from the library and the museum to mass media and popular culture" (29). Similarly, the politics of culture now lie in how meaning is produced and the effect of that production in daily life.
Goodman believes that a revitalized education is essential to the expansion of public knowledge and public power and their role in the service of society and democracy for citizens rather than just for corporations. Similarly, Giroux (1998) points out cultural discourse often lacks an analysis of how power works in shaping knowledge. Giroux is interested in how teaching broader social values provides safeguards against turning citizen skills into training skills for the work place, or how schooling can help students reconcile the seemingly opposed needs of freedom and community in order to forge a new concept of democratic public life. In the corporate education model, he writes, "knowledge becomes capital, a form of investment in the economy." Therefore, he writes, more is needed than defending public education as central to nourishing the proper balance between democratic public spheres and commercial power. How public schools educate youth for the future will determine the meaning and substance of democracy itself. Such a responsibility necessitates prioritizing democratic community, citizen rights, and the public good over market relations, narrow consumer demands, and corporate interests. Though the challenge will be difficult; educators must reclaim public schools as a public rather than a private good and view such a task as part of the struggle for democracy itself (1).
With this in mind, Goodman gives us the opportunity to re-articulate some familiar and unfamiliar texts and concepts, which is inspiring for a number of reasons. What Yatta Kanu (2003) writes enthusiastically about curriculum as cultural practice holds true for Goodman's efforts in World, Class, Women. First: this book advocates alternative sites for theorizing generated from established metaphors/concepts in feminist theory, critical pedagogy, popular and colonial texts and cultural studies and their practical applications. Second: the move to hybridization recognizes that multiple theories emerge from valuing alternative perspectives from varied experiences, thereby adding richness and complexity to education and curriculum discourse. Third: theorizing facilitates viewing combined feminist theory, critical pedagogy, post-colonial theory and literary readings of popular and postcolonial texts as mediated through a colonial imagination "contrived to the dis-benefit of the other" (45).
World, Class, Women allows us a critical framework or an "imagination" -- a construct used in recent discourses on globalization and education -- to explain how people come to know, understand and experience themselves as members of a community and citizens of a nation-state (Popkewitz, 2000). It functions to "form individuals into the seam of a collective narrative" (168) and helps them generate conceptions of personhood and identity. Or as Rizvi suggests, imagination is "the attempt to provide coherence between ideas and action, to provide a basis for the content of social relationships and the creation of categories with which to understand the world around us. What is imagined defines what we regard as normal" (222-223.) He adds that, "imagination is not an attribute possessed by a few endowed individuals but instead denotes a collective sense of a group of people, a community that begins to imagine and feel together" (222-223).
World, Class, Women articulately analyses feminist critique of critical pedagogy. Goodman contends that "the feminist critique of critical pedagogy has not recognized critical pedagogy's potential to oppose gender oppression because of its comprehensive analysis of and resistance to the power of the private" (23). Goodman examines Ellsworth's attack on critical pedagogy and on Giroux's concept of dialogue and discourse in the classroom, where students are supposed to manifest "trust, partnership and commitment to develop human conditions" (72). Ellsworth has argued that "to put discourse of critical pedagogy into practice led us to reproduce relations of domination in our classroom, these discourses were 'working through' us in repressive ways, and had themselves become 'vehicles of repression' (1994: 301 cited in Goodman, 23). Likewise Goodman writes, Patti Lather "has reproached critical pedagogy for 'its reinscription of prescriptive universalizing,'" concluding that "critical pedagogy in the contemporary moment is still very much a boy thing" (2001:184, cited in Goodman, 23). Goodman counters that feminist pedagogy has accused critical pedagogy of not paying due attention to such core educational concerns as nurturance, feeling, authority, relationships, voice, difference, self-esteem, marginalization, cognition, experience, and resistance. Further, Goodman writes that "feminist pedagogy simply reaffirms the gender relations that have created the symbolic justification for the corporate-sponsored worldwide impoverishment, demeaning, and devaluing of women through discourses of domesticity (23). She adds that this assumption of privatized attributes -- caring and psychology (emotions, relationality, interiority) to the feminine -- re-creates the historic and discursive context for deepening gender oppression.
Goodman, in opposition to Lather and Ellsworth, supports Weiler (1991) in salvaging critical pedagogy's emancipatory project via a radical feminist pedagogy. Goodman's position on feminist critique of critical pedagogy additionally finds support in Gur Ze'ev (2004) analysis that
Ellsworth attacks the nativity of critical pedagogy's concept of dialogues due to its repressive-paternalistic dimensions. Ellsworth, pretends to liberate the feminist educational project from a defined theoretical stand, but she inevitably enslaves the emancipatory spirit to dogmatic essentialist symbolic contingencies that determine the discourse, to solipsism, and to ethnocentrism. She dismisses any theory that is rationally dependable and exposed to the sort of critique that modern patriarchalism constructed as elitist Western knowledge, which was manifested, tested, or realized violently within the idealist framework or materialist, human, class, national, or other emancipatory project. (20)
Moreover, Goodman argues that Ellsworth "never questions or criticizes the collapse of feminism into a private, interior identity based in desire, nor the politics of ignorance where anti-intellectualism can be elevated to a moral principle, schools can be shut down and defunded, and political policy can be formulated without reason, rationale or evidence." Also, she does not raise the issues of what this privatization means historically as it reduces the politics of femininity to affiliation, aesthetics, and affects, nor the social contexts and power relations equated with such reduction and interiorization (43).
Further, Goodman deftly argues that feminists like Walkerdine and Lucey make the mistake of blaming the Frankfurt School for attributing the irrational to working classes, thus fashioning the need to regulate working-class mothers. In particular, Goodman writes that they fault Horkheimer and Adorno for talking about the masses as irrational:
The working-class family began to be blamed for the production of a regimented authoritarianism. Before and after the war, natural democracy was asserted with a new vigor. We argue that the Frankfurt School's position on fascism builds upon precisely what we are opposing: that the masses really are mad and irrational and that what has to be asserted is the rule of the rational. In particular, the guarantees of democracy were to be assured by a science of mothering which held women responsible for the future of the next generation. [1989: 42]
The matter of Horkheimer and Adorno, according to Goodman is more complicated, "the irrational grants power to the rational, and capitalism itself works through irrationality" (174). Goodman states that not only does Walkerdine and Lucey's interpretation misrepresent the history of critical theory, but it also presents reason as operating purely as repression, even in terms of the way it assigns meanings. This, according to Goodman, completely denies the Frankfurt School's insights that reason can be used against itself for the goals of emancipation.
Goodman challenges influential feminist writers like, Elizabeth Ellsworth and Donna Britzman who advocate a feminist politics of the irrational based in the Oedipal domestic rather than rationality conceived in the democratic tradition, as public deliberation. Goodman states that the feminist argument that wants to valorize the home as a womanly space of love and caring in a society defined by men has not stuck to investigative pedagogical methods, but has also advocated curricular adjustments. Similarly, Goodman states that Kate Ross has shown how domesticity worked to make colonial power and torture of Algerians comfortable for the French citizens (157).
She further notes that Patricia Thompson (1994: 184) separates domesticity from notions of political authority as a path toward feminist liberation: "In a society defined by men women have been both invisible and voiceless. To the home economics professional . . . such ideas have special poignancy" (cited in Goodman, 159). Goodman argues that in clinging to an ideal of domestic femininity as signifying the absence of power many contemporary writers on feminist education have neglected to consider as, McClintock emphasized, "the colonies . . . became a theater for exhibiting the Victorian cult of domesticity" (34), nor how such mobilization of femininity championed a de-centering of authority that has recently become the ideological platform supporting privatization and voiding the power of democratic institutions through which the public has traditionally asserted its political decisions.
Goodman writes, "Implicated in devaluing public involvement both at home and abroad as well as, devaluing the thinking of education as a public good, such a celebration of femininity as the limit of governance has contributed to formulating Third World corporate work regimes of cheap labor as well as public disinvestments and limits to the Keynesian economic remedies of government stimulation and job creation" (158). Comments like these illustrate perfectly what we may find in the best moments of World, Class, Women that suggest rather than dictate.
The book advances in several stages of world, class, and women throughout its six chapters. First, Goodman investigates the private power championed by some contemporary postmodern feminist theory through discussions of identity, psychology, subjectivity, entrepreneurship, emotions and caring, and the organization of private power -- particularly corporate and military power -- which has led to a current crisis in politics. She accomplishes this by reassessing the history of feminist thought and, in doing so, retrieves those connections that are useful to a theory of liberation, feminist politics, democracy and the meanings of education. For example, in her first chapter, "Critical Pedagogy and Feminist Legacy," she resurrects the civic theory of the first wave feminists in order to show how contemporary radical education theories can provide working points for imagining women's liberation. She analyses the history of feminist thought, its notions of equality and the historical role of the public in imaging and shaping democratic feminist politics. Goodman posits that feminism can benefit from critical education theory's politics informed by the idea of the civic rather than from feminist pedagogy's interest in feelings, caring, and subjective conflict. The reason to consider the history of feminist thought, Goodman claims, as it has influenced and could influence critical pedagogy is not only to expand the cannon of theory or traditions within critical pedagogy or is it to silence the others. Goodman states that her project reassesses the history of feminist thought and, in doing so, retrieves the elements, ideas, and the symbolic connections useful to a theory of liberation, a feminist politics, a culture of democracy, and a rethinking of the meanings of education. (18)
The next two chapters give examples of how corporate media and culture have undermined the possibility of imagining a public sphere. Using illustrative examples, Goodman presents the other side of the story. She shows how research and knowledge are infused with political interests, how the social context shapes research topics, how conceptions of the Good Life and the Good Society inform practice, and how power dynamics influence the evolution of the discipline. For example, in second chapter, "The Philosopher's Stoned: Harry Potter's Public," Goodman reads the magic of Harry Potter as teaching that kids can and should embody the magic of capital, marking their freedom through school privatization, trade deregulation, consumption, competition, corporatization, white supremacy, welfare scapegoating, and escape form public oversight" (p.15). She demonstrates that current theories and histories of competition, consumerism, and elitism play a similar role: they strengthen the status quo and discredit challenges to it. By celebrating pedagogy as a strictly scientific discipline, progressing in linear fashion to help society through value-free research, these histories ignore the role of ideological and political factors.
In the third chapter, "A time for Flying Horses: Oil education and the Future of Literature," Goodman explores what the Mobil Corporation had at stake in supporting and promoting Keri Hulme's 1984 Maori novel, The Bone People. Post-colonial and multicultural scholars have hailed this novel as a celebration of family, spiritual healing, feminist independence, and Maori recognition. This chapter shows how the widely read novel celebrates international finance and presents nature as ripe for corporate exploitation while attacking public institutions and labor (15). The chapter discuses how The Bone People, in defining ethnic identity, explores themes of privacy as attributes of women, childhood socialization and the family. Here, Goodman shows how industrialism arose from the harnessing of fossil fuels, how competition to control access to oil shaped the geopolitics of the twentiethth century, and how contention for dwindling energy resources in the twenty-first century has led to resource wars in the Middle East, Central Asia, and South America. The Bone People, Goodman says, can be read as affirming rather than challenging the activities of multinational oil companies such as Mobil Exxon who make corporate values into human values. Goodman takes on Mobil Exxon and the Modern Language Associations (MLA) President Elaine Showalter for denying that the politics of literature, pedagogy, and other cultural work affirms oppression, violence and hinders the future of a global democratic society.
The next two chapters discuss how theory and literature can encompass public visions and construct a language of critique against privatization. "In The Triumphant but Tragic Wealth of the Poor: Buchi Emecheta Meets Hernando De Soto's Informal Markets Goodman" principally concerns the way market reforms have evolved using knowledge as a commodity and an ideology that supports school privatization. Examining how the oil industry in particular has infiltrated certain nation-states to the point of violence (as analyzed in chapter three), Goodman criticizes Peruvian economist Hernando De Soto's utopian call for deregulation and privatization by reading it against Nigerian novelist Buchi Emecheta's novel about women's postcolonial labor markets, The Joy of Motherhood (16).
"Homework: School in Serowe," the fifth chapter, applies some of the points made in chapter one by showing how a public sphere can be thought in opposition to ideologies that locate women's empowerment in relations to the home. Such ideologies support a re-conceptualization of labor as feminized, that is, as temporary, contractual, and outside of traditional productive sites, responsible for its own overhead, and isolated. Continuing to criticize feminist pedagogy's exaltation over caring because of its implications for women's labor and for feminizing labor in general Goodman looks at South African novelist Bessie Head's ethnographic study Serowe: Village of the Rain-Wind, which explores civic politics via a story about building a school. This chapter demonstrates how global corporate power expands through schooling. Whether by accountability and standards, school security, or other discipline-based reforms, militarized education in the U.S. needs to be understood in relation to the enforcement of corporate economic imperatives and to a sense of "law and order" that pervades our popular culture. Such an understanding will engender a spirit of civic engagement and democratic responsibility.
Finally, this chapter shows how some feminist psychological education theory has neglected a serious consideration of how feminism can build a vision of a non-gendered-exploitative alternative to the present. She criticizes some of psychology-based educational theory which, under the name of feminism, upholds a "politics of caring" as a methodological imperative while neglecting how it sets in place political ideas about labor that are detrimental to women. In response, she argues that she offers a reading of a feminist text that considers education's central task and work to construct a politics of the public.
Goodman's conclusions attempt to nudge feminism in a different direction -- re-politicizing it in the face of the capitalism crisis we currently confront. She shows how the values and terms of certain second wave postmodern feminisms are being appropriated in ways that harm women worldwide. World, Class, Women posits that feminist politics are necessary for tackling the dangers of corporate governances, consolidation, and militarism, but also sees that feminism now risks ideological complicity with restrictive and undemocratic trends. World, Class, Women, talks about:
1. How neoliberal systems of labor management contribute to the impoverishment of women
2. It uses education to discuss the vital demand to counter neoliberal governance through constructing a public, democratic sphere
3. It uses gender to indicate how the building of a pubic sphere requires the breaking apart of the coded schemes of privacy and private ownership that women and women's labor often have been corralled to represent.
4. It suggests the danger to sovereignty, the environment, feminism, racial justice, and peace if the corporate order continues to diminish public institutions.
5. It leads us to think about how in the current moment, our ideas of political agency are powerfully inflected by the interests of oil, media, manufacturing and other lager industries as seen in many popular beliefs about labor, citizenship, diversity, family, ethnicity, schools, and children (170).
Goodman declares that the unimaginability of the public within much of contemporary politics is leading to a crisis. It is necessary, Goodman argues, to think of the public as both autonomous from and connected to the state; and to consider alternative descriptions via democracy and public education. In a cautionary note, Goodman warns feminist and critical pedagogues against oversimplifying in either direction. She urges that feminism can and must contribute to challenging the private appropriation of public power and shape the democratic hopes of the public's global future.
The public sphere is central to democracy. Goodman concludes that the promotion of economic and social justice values requires rethinking private-public spheres, crossing the public and private divide, and re-examining radical feminist pedagogy as a hybrid of public and private -- allowing for fairness obligations in both spheres. Goodman does not claim the final word, but argues that there is a need for feminist theory to rethink the public sphere. Dialogue is necessary when postcolonial theories meet poststructural and feminist critiques. This is especially significant in regard to the analysis of the World, Class, Women which powerfully challenges the central thinkers in feminist theory, education, critical theory, popular and post colonialtexts, and postcolonial perspectives. Part of what makes this book unique is that Goodman shows how seemingly emancipatory thinking affirms oppressive political ideologies and economic policies -- achieved by weaving literary examples with trenchant analyses of foreign and domestic policy. Thoroughly researched and tightly argued, this book is a must read for anyone concerned with feminism, critical theory, and postcolonialism.
Henry A. Giroux, critical theorist and author of numerous books on critical pedagogy and popular culture, is currently the Global Television Network Chair in Communications at McMaster University writes ardently about World, Class, Women's contributions. He says, "Robin Goodman has written a path-breaking book which not only challenges the market-based attack on all things public, but also examines how theory and literature can be used to reclaim feminism, schooling, and economic justice as part of a broader effort in imagining a global democratic public sphere. Goodman's analysis of the complex relationship between feminism and critical pedagogy is the best I have read in decades. Her astute analysis of popular culture, her ease at crossing disciplinary boundaries and her use of theory as a resource, and literature as a referent for a new kind of public pedagogy is brilliant. Anyone concerned about feminism, literature, pedagogy, and what it means to embrace matters of politics and social justice with conviction and courage should read this book."
A similar response informs an assessment of Goodman's work by Kathleen Weiler -- feminist theorist and editor of Feminist Engagement: "Reading theories and texts of identity and gender against the realities of a corporate world order driven by the ideology of the free market and the demand for profit at all costs, Goodman raises provocative and challenging questions for both feminists and other educators seeking to build a more just and equitable world." These comments underscore the various reasons that make Goodman's book important in terms of its public and disciplinary impact. They testify to World, Class, Women's revolutionary impact on intellectual structures and lives, in the arenas of critical pedagogy, postcolonial theory, and radical feminism.
Finally, in a comprehensive notes section, Goodman directs the reader to a wealth of additional texts.
In conclusion, World, Class, Women achieves what Giroux (1999) asks of all cultural studies. It challenges the ways in which the academic disciplines have been used to secure particular forms of authority, by opening up the possibility for both questioning how power operates in the construction of knowledge while simultaneously redefining the parameters of the form and content of what is being taught in schools and higher education institutions. In this instance, it highlights how struggles over meaning, language and text have become symptomatic of a larger struggle over the meaning of cultural authority, the role of public intellectuals, and the meaning of national identity.
Simply put, Goodman's book examines the competing concepts of critical pedagogy around educational debates as they have been challenged by feminist, postcolonialist, and critical scholars. In a neoliberal context it looks at the breakdown of public and private spheres, particularly in relation to feminism. On a personal level this book represents a challenging and exhilarating investigation, cogently addressing issues whose articulation had previously eluded me. Books, as Said has written (1984), should be judged in terms of their circumstantiality or their implication in the social and political imperatives of the world in which they are produced and can indicate both the possibilities and the limits of these structures. Goodman, who does just that, urges us to prove her wrong. So, get this book and take the challenge. In the end, Goodman gives us the hopefulness of imagining the unimaginable -- a global democratic public sphere.
Giroux, Henry. "Education Incorporated?" Educational Leadership 56:2 (October 1998): 12-17.
Goodman, Robin Truth. World, Class, Women: Global Literature, Education and Literature. New York: Routledge-Falmer Press, 2004.
Gur-Ze'ev, I. "Beyond Postmodern Feminist Critical Pedagogy - Toward a Diasporic� Philosophy of Counter-Education." in Gur-Ze'ev, I. (ed.) Critical Theory and Critical Pedagogy Today. 2004. http://construct.haifa.ac.il/~ilangz/feministpeda91.pdf.
Kanu, Yatta. "Curriculum as Cultural Practice." Journal of the Canadian Association for Curriculum Studies. 1:1 (Spring 2003).
Lather, Patti."Critical Theory, Curricular Transformation and Feminist Mainstreaming." Journal of Education 66 (1984): 49-62.
McClintock, Anne. Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Context. N. Y.: Routledge, 1995.
Popkewitz, T. S. "Reform as the social administration of the child: Globalization of knowledge and power." In N. C. Burbules & C. A. Torres (Eds.), Globalization and education: Critical perspectives. New York: Routledge, 2000. Pp. 157�86
Rizvi, F. International education and the production of global imagination. In N. C. Burbules & C. A. Torres (Eds.). Globalization and education: Critical perspectives. New York: Routledge. Pp. 205-25.
Said, E. The World, the Text, and the Critic. London: Faber and Faber, 1984.
Last modified 21 August 2004